****In Short, I will say Americanah is a tapestry of a disturbingly beautiful love story woven with so many threads of different colours that reflect the daily realities of life in a globalized world.

 As I was looking through my friends’ reading lists for 2013, I noticed a number of books that I might also read in 2014. One of these was Americanah by sweet bright Chimamanda. Although I had never read any of her books, I had read some of her articles on the Guardian and also listened to her talk on TED.  My friend likes her a lot and has praised her work to me a number of times. He referred to her in his provoking Guardian article. So during my Christmas holidays in South-Africa, I went to the Exclusive Book Store and picked Americanah determined to start reading it as soon as I finish the book that I was reading. The mistake was, I opened the first page of the book when I had resumed to work…and my wish for the next four days of work was to get home and read it. I didn’t bring the book to the office with me because I would have to sacrifice office hours reading it. This is how excellent the book is.  My dad asked me, what book are you reading now? I said…it’s a book, that if I were the Minister of Education, I’d make it a set book for Secondary School English literature syllabus.

The book is a fiction that captures so many mini stories depicting many aspects of realities in people’s daily lives. It crosscuts through city life, village life, developed world lifestyles and developing world lifestyles. She is capturing globalization in a mastery literary style. It is set in three continents – a really big plus! Upon reflecting the book (am not attempting to do any comparison here or something of the sort), I thought of a book my dad bought for me about ten years ago- the Lexus and the Olive Tree– I really cant remember the details of that book, but it’s title just made a lot more sense in the Americanah.  The book connects the modernity with traditions or rather brings globalization to the reality of our daily lives.  To understand globalization, one has to simply read Americanah before dealing with difficult academic explanations to it.

There is a huge focus on issues of race, perfectly portrayed by a considerable number of pages devoted to explain the blogging career of Ifemelu and some of the Raceteenth posts. However, thinking of the book as mainly about race is to see a narrow picture of it.  In this beautiful but disturbing love story of Ifemelu and Obinze,  Chimamanda has managed to bring into the picture single motherhood, culture, tribalism immigration,  divorce, poverty, religion, language, academia, and business. The book is like a tapestry woven with so many threads of different colours that reflect the daily realities of life.

May be out of my own faith/cultural reservations, there are a number of things that I didn’t like in the book. First, I didn’t like how the story ended- Obinze divorcing his wife, who had not done anything wrong.  Although it can be argued that falling out of love is a perfect reason to divorce, I still think it’s unfair and more than anything I’m a bit worried about the implication of such stories in African literature that we encourage our children to read…or is it the reality of globalization? – The infusion of ‘global (western)’ culture in Africa? Second, she narrated stories about girls dating rich married men for material purposes. Although we saw how bad things turned for Aunty Uju when The General died, it was still not scary. Other similar cases seemed ok to the end such as Ranyinudo’s. Even Ifemelu re-started her love-relationship again with Obinze while he was married leading to divorce. I think Chimamanda should have been more careful and go beyond to show negative consequences….  Third, I think the novel will relate more to the emerging middle class group in Africa and not to other groups in African society- may be this is a credit  (on the other side) as discourse on the emerging middle class is now trending and in need of more debates. But not every person in Africa can easily relate to it.

All in all, the novel is a masterpiece and reflects a reality on the ground. I kept laughing and sharing so many scene stories with my sister on the phone because I could relate to them and knew that my sister will understand the stories and why am laughing.

If you have time, please read this book…it’s a classic, easy read, and enjoyable novel.

****Best Characters (the ones I love most apart from the main characters)- Iloba, Emenike, Dike,  and Boubacar

It’s almost two in the morning and I’ve spent almost half an hour going through my 2013 books. I couldn’t pick a favorite, each book I read was a favorite in its own special way. I’m the kind of reader who develops a bond with whatever it is am reading. I’ve discovered over the years that I choose what to read depending on the mood am in at that particular time. If am in the mood for something intellectually stimulating and fun at the same time then I opt for the politics and any serious reads covering politics. As a student of comparative politics; most of my choices tend to lean that way. I’ve discovered that it’s the only way to stay informed and relevant in the field.

So what did I read this year that’s worth sharing? I was going through my 2013 reads and am extremely disappointed as I write this. I didn’t get to read as much as I would have loved to. I’ll be very honest and admit that I’ve only read eleven books so far (half read books don’t count; neither do school books). Having a fulltime job and being a fulltime student has made it difficult for me to read as much as I would have loved to.

For some reason, my choice of books this year kept taking me to the Middle East; a region I’ve been obsessed with ever since I read about Pharaoh’s dreams and the deliverance of the people of Israel from Egypt in the bible. Queen Noor of Jordan, Khaled Hosseini and Atiq Rahimi made me feel like I had been to Jordan, Iran and Afghanistan.

Leap of Faith by Queen Noor

I bought Queen Noor’s Leap of Faith by accident after getting lost in Palma de Majorca’s narrow streets and ending up in a second hand English book store. I must have spent an hour there going through the wide selections of books. I was spoilt for choices and I reluctantly picked Queen Noor’s book because the old store owner wanted to close the store for his siesta.

I started reading the book the same day and I just couldn’t put it down. I fell in love with the journey she took me on. From her childhood as Arab-American Lisa Halaby, growing up in affluent parts of LA and New York, her years at Princeton, to meeting King Hussein of Jordan and becoming Queen Noor of Jordan. The emotions she put into her memoir said it all; she had found her way into the heart of the King and his people.

The Queen not only tells her love story but that of the Jordanian people too. Their search for peace among Arab states; their struggles and all the fascinating things that made her fall in love with Jordan and its people. For those interested in the Middle East, I’d highly recommend this book. It’s a highly informative book that gives the reader a clear understanding of Jordanian politics, Jordanian struggles and various Middle Eastern issues. The private discussions she held with her late husband made me understand the Israeli-Palestinian conflict even better, and why no solution has worked since the 1967 Arab-Israeli war.

You’d be surprised at how connected to the Middle East you’ll feel after reading Queen Noor’s memoir. I was checking out tickets to Amman even before I was done reading the book; only to realize that getting a visa to Jordan was a nightmare. I guess it’s the Queens description of the exotic and fascinating kingdom that aroused some wanderlust in me. Am yet to visit Jordan, and if I ever do, I’ll definitely visit all the beautiful landmarks she described in her memoir.

And the Mountains Echoed by Khaled Hosseini

Ever read a book that left you confused? That’s how I felt while reading Khaled Hosseini’s And the Mountains Echoed. I had read Hosseini’s first two works and I couldn’t wait to read his third. His two previous books had created pictures for me. I felt like I had been to Afghanistan after reading The Kite Runner and A Thousand Splendid Suns. I learnt quite a bit from his first two works. Hosseini told his country’s beautiful history through the characters in his books; from the times of King Amanullah Khan, to Zahir Shah, to life under the dreaded Taliban.

For some reason, I thought his third book would take me from where A Thousand Splendid Suns had left off. It did in a way but not entirely. The book begins in 1952, with the tale of a man on a long journey across the Afghan dessert to Kabul with his son and daughter. The man has taken the journey to Kabul in order to sell off his daughter to a wealthy couple. It is the separation of the man’s children’s that starts of a complex tale.

Unlike his previous two books, I found it hard to be emotionally involved with the characters in this book. The characters kept changing and I really had a hard time keeping up with the constant plot turns. On one chapter Hosseini has you in Kabul, Paris in the next one, and on to some Greek island in the next. The start was really good but the complex plot twists had me struggling to finish it. This is a book that requires total focus if one is to understand the entire plot. I’m actually considering reading it one more time.

Peace from Broken Pieces by Iyanla Vanzant

I hate to admit it, but I read this book in 2012 and read it two more times this year. If you are struggling to find yourself, this is the book for you. Vanzant begins her story by narrating how she lost her daughter to cancer. She then takes the reader back to her childhood, struggling to raise her children as a single mother while working her way through college, to finally making it as a New York Times best-selling author.

Just when the reader thinks Vanzant has finally found peace, the story takes a different turn. Her marriage ends in divorce by email, she ends up flat broke, her million-dollar home facing foreclosure and contemplating suicide. It’s from Vanzant’s loss that the reader gets taken on a journey through self-awareness and spirituality. I loved the book because it felt like an inspiring lesson about rising from the ashes of our past. If you’ve ever been to some dark places in your life; this is the book for you. It will make you reflect, cry and inspire you.

A Journey Through Darkness by Margareth Maganga

I was lucky to receive A Journey Through Darkness from the author herself, during the LetsRead launch that was held in Dar es Salaam in October. I had flown to Dar es Salaam to attend the launch and I could tell Miss Maganga was an inspiration the minute we started talking. We had a few minutes to chitchat before the ceremony begun and it was then that I knew I would enjoy reading her book. She gave me a signed copy which I begun reading the same day but had to stop because I didn’t want my sister to see me crying all the time.

I resumed my reading on the flight home, and it was then that I understood the message Miss Maganga had written on my copy. “Life has a way of throwing curve balls at us, but it’s for you to grab the ball and throw it in the direction you want.”  Miss Maganga went to bed and woke up blind five years ago. She could have given up that day; instead she held on to her dreams, went on to partially recover her sight and got herself a law degree. I’d highly recommend her book. It’s a fun and familiar read, describing places that are familiar to us. If you are thinking of supporting our own authors; Miss Maganga’s book would be a great start.

So, what else did I read in 2013 and which books were a total bore? Fifty Shades of Grey takes the number one spot. Why did I waste my money on buying it?  I’ll share all the other titles in part two of this aticle. I’ll also share the books that I didn’t get to finish, why I didn’t finish them and what I’m planning to read this year. I’ve already started working on my 2014 reads, and most of them happen to be recommendations from friends. I’m curious to find out whether they are my kind of books. If there’s one thing I know for sure; then it’s the fact that books have taken me places and they will keep taking me places. Knowing that makes me open a book even after a 16-hour long day!

Upon reflection, this is the year that I have read fewer books since 2007. I have read 15 books. This means a little more than one book a month average.  I think it’s a wake up call that I need to balance work and reading (or is it life and reading)? For the last 11 years (2001-2012) I was a university student and teacher. Thus, a change from 100% academic environment to management consultancy work might have contributed to a slow down, which I need to remedy asap.

Well, apart from books, (a consolation?) I have read and analysed a number of academic articles, and government reports (in particular all Tanzanian Poverty and Human Development Reports -Tanzania) for various writing projects.

Here is the list: (I reviewed some- click the attached link on their titles).

1. Ambrose S., & Brinkley D., Rise to Globalism: American Foreign Policy Since 1938 (New York: Penguin Books, 1997)
2. Armstrong K., Muhammad: Prophet For Our Time (London: Harper Perennial, 2007) 249pp
3. Chang H., & Rowthorn R., (Eds.) The Role of the State in Economic Change (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995) 302pp
4. Collier P., The Bottom Billion: Why the Poorest Countries Are Failing and What Can Be Done About It (Oxford: Oxfrod University Press, 2007) 209pp
5. Dostoyevsky F. (Translated by David McDuff), The Idiot (London: Penguin Books, 2004) 732pp
6. Drucker P., The Essential Drucker: The Best of Sixty Years of Peter Drucker’s Essential Writing on Management (New York: Harper, 2008) 357pp
7. Hochschild A., King Leopold’s Ghost : A story of greed, terror, and  heroism in colonial Africa (Boston: Mariner Books, 1999) 376pp
8. Kelsall T., Business, Politics, and the State in Africa: Challenging the Orthodoxies on Growth and Transformation (London: Zed Books, 2013) 1990pp
9. Kissinger H., On China (Toronto: Penguin Group, 2012) 604pp
10.  Kotter J.P, Leading Change (Massachuset: Harvard Business Review Press, 2012), 194pp
11. Meredith M., The State of Africa: A History of Fifty Years of Independence (London: Free Press, 2006) 752pp
12. Nyerere J., Freedom and Unity: Uhuru na Umoja (Dar-es-Salaam: Oxford University Press, 1970) 366pp
13. Ramadan T., Islam and the Arab Awakening (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012) 245pp
14. Stiglitz J., & Kaldor M.,(Eds.) The Quest for Security: Protection Without Protectionism and the Challenge of Global Governance (New York: Columbia University Press, 2013)
15. Syrett M., Successful Strategy Execution: How to Keep Your Business Goals on Target (Suffolk:  The Economist, 2007) 164pp

The most enlightening of all these books was:

Armstrong K., Muhammad: Prophet For Our Time (London: Harper Perennial, 2007) 249pp … and I thank my dear friend for giving it to me to read…bless him 🙂

Written by: Shirumisha Kwayu

Reflections on:

Elinor Sisulu,( 2011). Walter & Albertina Sisulu; In our lifetime. New Africa Books, pp. 688

On Thursday 5^th September 2013 as I was coming out from the exam room feeling relieved from exam stress and with the joy completing my master’s program, I walked on my way back home very energetic. As I was walking I ironically (as I had finished the program,) noticed books laying outside a coffee shop located near Loughborough town. I decided to  stop and look into the books. My subconscious intention was to find something to read for pleasure and to keep me busy in the coming ‘free’ days. It was indeed a good decision, as when I look at the book, one stroke my eyes like a light- it was none other but ‘Walter & Albertina Sisulu: in our lifetime’ by Elinor Sisulu, the daughter in law for Walter and Albertina Sisulu. My attention was drawn to the book with the desire to better understand the history of our continent. I was very grateful to find it on sale just for a pound.  But the book and the information in is a lot more worthy. A million time worthy. The book is thick with considerable primary account of the history of South Africa liberation. Personally, I have learnt so so much from the book. Here is what I want to share with you with regards to the books and the life of Walter & Albertina Sisulu.

The book starts by explaining the family tree of Walter and Albertina then it proceeds to their marriage. It moves from family to their role as key players in the struggle against the inhuman apartheid system in South Africa. It then narrates the years that Sisulu spent in prison and finally ends with Walter working hard for the African National Congress (ANC).

Walter and Albertina were active anti- apartheid activist. Walter served as a secretary for the ANC. He was among the accused in the Rivonia Trial and he was  subsequently sentenced to life imprisonment alongside Mandela and others include Ahmed Kathrada.  Him, Kathrada and Mandela spent time in Robben Island. Albertina on her side was an attendant in political meeting escorting his husband Walter but later on she became a public political figure. She started the ANC women league in 1955. Albertina faced continuous harassment from the police and bans for gathering around people. The book narrates in details how the family of Sisulu fought against apartheid and the price they paid for the struggle.

Below, I put forth some lessons that our and next African generation can learn from leaders such as Sisulu:

First and foremost the generation of Sisulu stood up for the ideals that they believed. In most times peoples words are antagonist with their acts. Walter, Albertina, Mandela, et al were people who stood up for what they believe regardless of the surrounding situation. A prove of this is the famous speech at the Rivonia trial on 20 April 1964 which Mandela said he was ready to die if its needs be.

Second, the fact that Walter and Albertina (also Mandela and Winnie and others) had their good jobs and young families but still were committed to the struggle that risked their  lives and denied them comfort is a big lesson to our generation. They lost everything they had and continued to fight until they saw victory.  Here is the lesson of unselfishness and commitment.

Third, they did not fight for liberation out of personal gain but it was for the common good. For instance at one point the ANC decided to increase the salary of Walter from £5 to £10. He did not accept. Walter challenged the party ‘how is it possible for them to increase while the organization failed even to pay £5 pound in its bills? This shows that freedom fighters were dedicated to common good and not personal gain.  They led by examples. In our generations, how many African leaders are able to challenge their increasing high salaries at the cost of mass poverty?

Forth, the generation of Walter and Albertina Sisulu understood the importance of education in the struggles. Even in prison Walter Sisulu fulfilled his desire to learn. When they were in Robben Island they worked together and learned from each other. They even fought for having classes though they faced strong resistance from the prison wardens. They were given hard work to ensure that they didn’t have time and energy to learn but still they learned every day. They emphasized education for their families and followed up while they were in prison. This came to bear fruits as their children became companions in the struggle.

There a lot of things that we can learn from Walter and Albertina’s Sisulu life such things are all encompassed into their sacrifice, commitment, integrity, and humbleness.

This is my reflection to the book. I emphasize that our generation and next generation African leaders must revisit our ideals and ask ourselves if we can make it. We are here because of what leaders such as Sisulu, Mandela, Nyerere, Kaunda, et al did. We have to remember that.  We should ask ourselves what is our struggle, and get committed to the ideals to the point that we will be ready to die for them if need be.

If you have time read Walter and Albertina’s book to learn more from these two noble people. I cannot say anything further because I am afraid it will be disservice to these great leaders.

Reviewer: Aikande Kwayu

An interest on Co-operatives and their positive role in rural development is re-emerging in Tanzania. The passing of new Cooperative Societies Act (Tanzania) in June 2013 is powerful evidence to this. The Poverty and Human Development Reports (Tanzania) of 2007 onwards also speak about cooperatives. The reports acknowledge the need and potential role of farmers associations in improving productivity and welfare of farmers’ hence rural development. Poverty in Tanzania is a rural phenomenon and much related to agriculture. More than 70% of the population dwells in rural areas. The main economic activity is small-scale agriculture. The impressive rising economic growth, which has been 7% average over the last decade, has not trickled down to rural areas. Poverty rates remain high. 67.9% of population still lives under the poverty line (UNDP, 2013).

 With such a gloomy paradoxical picture, development-loving people in Tanzania have been asking a question, what can be done?  This is the source of the renewed interest of Co-operatives in Tanzania.

 Strikingly, Zakia Meghji, Clement Kwayu, and Ramadhan Meghji realized the potential of co-operatives in driving rural development 30 years ago. In this book, they rightly argue that ‘…stability and development. The lubricant for the levers is the co-operative’ (p.91).

 The most impressive aspect of the book is its focus on women. Literature and research has it that women are the champions of development. This book uniquely links two drivers of development- women and co-operatives. The book demonstrates how participation of women in co-operatives leads to improvement in economy of households, family stability, and development in general.

The authors are experts of cooperatives. They worked as lecturers at the Co-operatives College in Moshi (now MUCCOBS) and researchers at the International Cooperative Alliance. The book is thus rich in insight. They collected case study data from Eastern, Central, and Southern Africa. In this respect, the book is rich of case studies from different countries. In that light, it gives a comparative picture, which strengthen the analysis of why certain cooperatives were successful and why others were not.

 The cases and analyses above were not done in vacuum. The first chapter of the book provides an excellent theoretical framework substantiated by theories of development and feminism.  The chapter also provides a historical background of pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial Tanzania.  Following that were the rich case analyses giving details of different co-operatives societies in Tanzania, Lesotho, Zambia, Botswana, Kenya, and Swaziland. The analyses were interdisciplinary. Carefully, the authors consider various variables from economic, social, and political perspectives that could explain women participation and success.  For example, it was evident that the policies of mid 1970s in Tanzania were not favorable for cooperatives and that could partly explain challenges that cooperative societies faced during that period and after. The authors also looked at the issues of governance and value systems on the side of cooperative officers and related departments. Interesting also, was the fact that the authors presented cases of different types of cooperatives, such as agricultural marketing cooperatives, workers cooperatives, saving and credit cooperatives, consumer cooperatives, production cooperatives (poultry, tailoring, and handicrafts cooperatives). Such examples are eye opener to different opportunities of establishing a cooperative society.

 The final chapter of the book gives a way forward towards more and better participation of women in cooperatives. This chapter is relevant to this renewed debate on cooperatives. The issue of low women participation in cooperatives as presented in the book is still a problem in existing cooperatives societies. If we want rural development to happen and be sustainable women have to be actively engaged. This is especially the case with agriculture marketing cooperatives where the man is a principle member while it is often the woman who works on the farm to produce that cash crop. The cases of Botswana show that due to greater degree of independence among women in Botswana cooperatives were relatively better than in other countries such as Swaziland. We all know how well Botswana is doing economically and I am pretty confident that the independence of women may have been a significant contributory factor to its economic development.  The book ends with   a clause ‘ Let the woman of Africa come forth and Africa will blossom’ (p. 126).

 As much as the book was written in 1985, it is contents are still extremely relevant to our debates in cooperatives. I urge all development loving people in Tanzania to read this book if they want to engage women in rural development efforts and actually to reach that goal!

At one time in my life I had developed a keen interest on diplomacy. That is now more than 10 years ago. I was an undergraduate student majoring in IR and all that I dreamt of had something to do with being a diplomat. I enjoyed lectures and seminars on diplomacy. I was conversant with diplomatic immunities and privileges as articulated in the Vienna Convention of 1961. My best friend, Anne Keah, and I would discuss diplomacy day and night telling each of our future ambitions to represent our countries in high levels meetings. As ever, I was very patriotic with Tanzania and we even agreed that we would always defend our countries without getting personal or ending our friendship. I created new email accounts in hotmail and Gmail with IDs ‘diplomataika’. It was a love affair. I went on to do an MA in IR with more electives on diplomacy. We had lots of U.N. simulation exercises. However, during the MA studies I gradually lost interest on diplomacy. Instead, I wanted to do research on foreign policy. Thus moving from the practice to the academia. My wish was now to pursue more studies and research on foreign policy. In particular I wanted to understand the nexus between foreign policy and religion. So I ended up enrolling in a PhD program, which culminated into analyzing religion and international development policy. I delved into that and my brain seemed to forget my heart’s former desire. (Anne, on her side, pursued diplomacy as a career. She was posted and represented her country at the very heart of global diplomacy-Geneva. Visiting her was my enjoyable reliefs from hard and haunting PhD research. She always treated me so well with a touch of diplomacy). Nevertheless, one cannot really separate diplomacy and international development policy. International development encompasses a whole lot of things that are integral to diplomacy. One aspect of this, are the UN Millennium Goals, which were negotiated over years under the context of diplomacy. Foreign aid is often used as a diplomatic tool. In that light, my interest on diplomacy did not die. It was hidden somewhere in the subconscious part of my beautiful brain.

 Perhaps that is partly what triggered me to buy Henry Kissinger’s book titled ‘On China’.  As many would know, Kissinger is one the most known and successful 20^th & 21^st centuries diplomats… ‘On China’ is one other proof of that. Well, can you guess what the book did to me?  It rejuvenated my ‘near obsession’ to diplomacy. It gave me another impression of diplomacy and what it can achieve.

 Kissinger’s analysis and account of the U.S.A and Chinese diplomatic efforts to restore relationship was a loving reminder of the romantic nature of diplomacy. His analysis is objective with evidence from scripts of live conversations between him and Chinese leaders such as Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai. He has also included scripts of conversations between the U.S.A presidents with Chinese counterparts. For the reader, reading the conversations was like moisture on the thick skin required in the execution of foreign policy as analyzed in the book.

 Impressively, the book’s first chapters give a rich account of Chinese history and culture. These were crucial in understanding the next chapters in particular on areas of foreign policy formulation, execution and interactions between the Chinese leaders and their U.S.A counterparts. In the preface, for example, Kissinger noted that ‘American exceptionalism is missionary…China’s exceptionalism is cultural’ (p. xvi).  This phrase is almost a summary of the two countries’ foreign policies. In general, every chapter of the book builds on another one. To understand a chapter properly, you’d have to read the previous chapter. In this respect, Kissinger is a teacher as much as he is a diplomat.

 The book composes of analytical chapters discussing and explaining the politics and dynamics of Vietnam War, Korean Wars, among other major conflicts engraved within the Cold War. If anything, the book has allowed me to understand intricate relationships and what went behind the scene during the Cold War. Many people would think ideology was enough to separate the East and West but there was more than ideology. That is why China, although a Communist country, re-established its relationship with the USA mostly to counter the Soviets. The book provides a perfect picture of ‘Realism’ as practiced by states during the Cold War.  However, I wish Kissinger had gone a bit far to show how developing countries were a battle field for the Cold War…the war was only cold between the major powers but very hot, intense, and real in many developing countries including African countries such as Angola and to a great extent DRC (the former Zaire). Effects of the Cold War are still felt to this point in Africa.

 To understand Chinese contemporary rhetoric, behaviors, and practices in the international community, one needs to understand her history, culture, and founding ideas. Although the Cultural Revolution tried to destroy Confucianism, the spirit of Confucian and its ideals did not die. They were so embedded in China in that they were easy to revive after the death of Mao. Arguably, Mao himself, consciously or unconsciously, retained and sustained that spirit. He was a keen reader of the Confucian writings and that must have had an influence on his thinking. The people that Mao pushed aside for ‘re-education’ purposes during the Cultural Revolution are those who came back to power. Such is Deng Xiaoping, the man who is credited for Chinese great economic success. Ideas are thus key variables in policy decision-making.

 As much as Kissinger is a realist and focuses on state, his analysis shows that he is not blind to other factors that inform international affairs. In particular he gives considerable attention to culture and values. He demonstrates how the U.S.A democratic and human rights value affect its foreign policy and at times national interests. This is especially due to the strong public opinion on such issues. Similarly, Kissinger shows the influence of values, ideas and history in Chinese foreign policy.

In connection to that, Kissinger’s last chapters and in particular the epilogue and the afterword are must read for students of IR and anyone interested in understanding international relations. The chapters can also be considered as policy recommendations for USA and China foreign policies.  In that, Kissinger goes beyond ‘Classical Realism’ thinking and advocate for something more practical. Here is an extract from the book that catches the advice: “ The simplest approach to strategy is to insist on overwhelming potential adversaries with superior resources and materials…but this is not feasible in the contemporary world for either the United States or China. Inevitably each side will continue as an enduring reality for the other. Neither country can entrust its security substantially to the other- no great power does so deliberately- and each will continue to pursue its own interests, sometimes at the relative expense of the other. But both sided have the responsibility to take into account each other’s nightmares, and both would do well to recognize that their rhetoric, as much as their actual policies, occasionally-perhaps even accidentally- feeds into the other’s suspicions.”(p. 540)

 In light of that Kissinger gives an unbiased advice on how the two great powers should behave in the interests of themselves and for the entire world. He is not blind to the difficulty of doing so. So he argues, “this book does not predict that the United States and China will necessarily transcend the ordinary operation of great power rivalry or of ideological disagreement. It argues that the two countries owe it to themselves and the world to attempt to do so” (p. 547).

 Bringing back the reflections of ‘On China’ on my country Tanzania, I can’t think of a better motivation to our development. China was a poor country facing famine and hardships mainly due to what Paul Krugman would call ‘Zombie policies’. Such were the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. Since poverty in China was not natural, Deng Xiaoping managed to turn around the situation. He did that by being visionary, pragmatic, determined, and serious. Interestingly, Deng used diplomacy not only to change the image of China but also to attain Chinese interests. He strategically visited other countries and learnt from them. His trip to the United States was a landmark and he used it for the development of China. Kissinger explains that ‘throughout the visit, Deng stressed China’s need to acquire technology and develop its economy…at his request, he toured manufacturing and technology facilities…Deng avowed his desire to ‘learn about your (USA) advance experience in the petroleum industry and other fields’ (p.361). There are many lessons from that. Above all is that, Deng put aside pride to pursue what was crucial to his country. We, in Tanzania, are blessed with diplomatic skills and international acceptance. Thus we need to tap more into the many diplomatic opportunities we have for the development of our economy. We need to be visionary and pragmatic. Just as Deng changed China’s economy, it is possible to significantly reduce poverty in Tanzania and change our country’s situation. If we decide and put right policies in place, we can lift millions of Tanzanians out poverty. We can be the giants, not only in the East Africa region, but also in the entire continent and world. China did it, and we can do it…we have all the potential, C’mon my fellow citizens!

My heart is very sad as I write this. It was just two weeks ago when I was writing something in which I boasted about my country’s peace. However, I must admit that as I was writing my mind kept running through a question: ‘How can we sustain this peace in Tanzania?’ This question is now hunting me even more especially after last week’s shameful extremist events- the killing of a Pastor in Geita and a Catholic Priest in Zanzibar. Today, this query has gone deeper by the sickening Form IV National Examination Results. 60.7% of examinees got division 0. This is a complete fail. How then do we except to sustain this peace while we are producing a future generation of uneducated youths that, in the best-case scenario, will be full of inferiority complex?

I recently finished Tariq Ramadan’s book (mentioned above), which I have been trying to review but was not yet sure if I have understood it enough to review it. Nevertheless, some of his key arguments can help us to think through these issues that are pertaining and threatening our precious peaceful nation of Tanzania- an Island of Peace!

In his book, Ramadan attempts to explain the Arab ‘Spring’ although he does not use the term ‘Spring’ for very good reasons, which I agree with. He instead uses the term ‘Arab Awakening’.  For the lack of space and purpose of this brief entry, I will not go into explaining his rationale for choosing that terminology instead of ‘spring’. In summary, Ramadan gives a good account of what happened in North Africa and some countries in Middle East. Although he doesn’t agree with the conspiracy theories, which attribute the Arab Awakening to the West (i.e. it was all planned by the West), his book clearly shows how the uprisings did not happen in vacuum. Youths especially bloggers from Middle East and North Africa had received trainings in the USA and Europe on how to use Internet (in particular social media networks) for passive revolution. In fact big companies like Google and Yahoo played a role on that.  Further on that, Ramadan illustrates different reactions from the West to the uprisings. He cites examples of Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Syria, Yemen, and petro-monarchies such as Saudi Arabia and Bahrain. I think everyone who follows news can testify to the varied Western reactions to the uprising in each of those countries. I call this the art of double standards in International Relations. That means, everything comes down to national interests, which at times can even be an image or ego.   In addition to the Arab Awakening, Ramadan talks, in great details and deep thinking, about Political Islam, Secularism, and Islamic Reference. I urge everyone to read this book if he/she wants to understand these subjects from a ‘within’ voice.

Leaving that apart, Ramadan’s book reminds us of the long way that the Arab countries and Muslim majority countries have to go before they can realize full political liberation.  This marks a starting point in which Ramadan’s arguments and recommendations to the Arab world and Muslim majority countries can teach us some lessons too. This is because the context is the same, in the sense that Arab countries, although most of them are way ahead of Tanzania in so many aspects, they are the “Others” just like the way we are.  To understand the concept of “Others” or “Orientalism”, I recommend you to read Edward Said work.  But in summary, the West has, for decades, if not centuries, dominated the world and broadly categorized the world into ‘Us’ and ‘Others’. The ‘Others’ have been made inferior and dependent to the West.  There are many implications to this categorization. Emmanuel Wallenstein, for example, in his World System Theory, would say that the West would ensure that the ‘Others’ remain in that state so as to keep exploiting them. The argument here is that capitalism survives on exploitation.  Gramsci and Neo-Gramscian thinkers will echo the same with the concept of ‘hegemony’.

 There are countries that are striving to move out of the ‘Others’ category. These include China, Turkey, Brazil, Russia, South Africa, and to a certain extent India.  Noteworthy is, these countries do not necessarily have the aim of moving into the ‘Us’ category but they are formulating another category all together. We may call this, a ‘third way’ (iiiish…if I’m allowed to borrow Blair’s words), through which they form a different kind of relations with the ‘poor’ who were once together in the same net. By different relations I mean the relations that are not defined by ‘master-servant’, or ‘superior- inferior’ status, but more of mutual understanding and respect- this is an alternative economic order. At this point, I am afraid to admit that such will be very difficult if we consider the theory of International Relations and Neoliberalism, which is the order of the day…however realizing an alternative economic order is possible with time!  But lets cut this story short and go back to Tanzania, which is deemed to be on the ‘Others’ category for a very long to come. This is evident even by only looking at the 2012 Form IV results that came out yesterday and the extremist events that happened last week, which led to the death of a pastor and a priest.

Poor education is what has brought Tanzania to this point. I had never thought we would ever be discussing religious tensions in Tanzania. What happened in Geita was unthinkable in Tanzania. Since independence Tanzania has had both Muslims and Christians living together and in harmony. We live side by side, we fall in love with each other and we inter-marry, we mourn together, visit each other, and affiliate to the same political parties. This is the kind of the nation that Mwl. Nyerere built through the Arusha Declaration and an education system that ensured national unity and peace.  Unfortunately, this harmony is threatened. We have diluted our education and even that diluted education is not properly delivered. Last week, Jenerali Ulimwengu wrote a masterpiece on Raia Mwema ‘Elimu Yetu Vipande Vipande Kila Mtu na Iwake….’ In it, he highlighted poor quality of our education that produces half-baked Tanzanians who are not even proud of their identity. Depending on how you define ‘quality’ almost all schools in Tanzania do provide a very low quality education. That is why we have 60.7% failed students.  Last week I asked ‘how many pupils in Tanzania can sing the whole national anthem?’ This is one example, but I guess if we look at our civics books, we might end up crying. With this in mind, how can we avoid extremism?

 Ramadan recommendations to the Arab countries to realize real and sustainable political liberation is through ‘studying history, to put down roots in an environment of personal meaning, to gain greater familiarity with both the natural and social sciences, to cultivate art, language, literature, painting, music, and taste in general…that the young people who are today awakening will prove more sensitive to the requirements of true political, intellectual, and cultural liberation than they are fascinated by the material goods of the West’ (pp. 130-131).   In general, what Ramadan is emphasizing is holistic education. In other pages, he talks of ‘intellectual jihad’– which is all about Education.  Education is indeed the only thing that can save not only Arabs but also everyone who is in the  ‘Others’ category.  In Tanzania, we need education more than anything else. If our children are properly educated they will not discriminate or oppress other people’s faiths and beliefs. Christians must understand Muslims and respect their faiths and so must the Muslims.

In January I was graced to visit and talk to members of CCT sponsored interfaith relations committees (IRC) in Kilosa and Geita.  In Kilosa I met with an extremely bright/smart and very articulate woman, Mama Amina Mwarabu. She is a member of the IRC-Kilosa. Her explanation of the current issues is worthy noting. She contends that ‘Those who burn churches and insult other religions are those who do not go to Mosques or even if they do, they do not understand the Islamic teachings- they are not people of faith but mere radicals/ideological (she used the word Itikadi– which I’m not sure of the translation). What she was highlighting is the lack of proper religious teaching that leads to radicalization.  This is also part of education.  We need to ensure that quality and proper education is given in both formal (school) and informal (Mosques, Madras, Churches, Sunday Schools, Home, etc) set ups.  This is what will maintain our peace.

On 18th November 2012, I wrote an article ‘On education’ in which I highlighted the imperative of education on development. I argued that if we do not invest on education we will remain poor.  President Obama has repeatedly say ‘education is the currency of information age’. We are living in the information age. Knowing how to use facebook and twitter is not enough if we do not have education. This is why Ramadan insists on the holistic education that includes history, languages, natural and social sciences, art, and music. We in Tanzania have come to even look down on our own precious language-Kiswahili leave alone our history, geography etc.  Discovery of oil, gas, gold, diamond, etc will not help Tanzanians without education. In fact these discoveries, with no education, leads to resource curse- including intensified conflicts.

Well, I think if I do not stop here this article will not end…so my argument is: we need to sit down and rethink about education in Tanzania.  The extremist events and incidents we are seeing now are partly a reflection of poor education, which gives room to radicalization and indoctrination. EDUCATION is the most assuring way to deal with these issues. Everyone should take this very seriously and contribute…we can all contribute in one-way or another. It is not only politicians or teachers who are responsible. Every Tanzanian is responsible. Let’s not apportion the blame to anyone but us and start doing something. This may include:

•  Contributing towards school’s infrastructure- buildings, desks, books, etc
• Teaching- if you live near a school in your village or street you can help teach or providing academic or administration support- this is especially for mushroomed ‘ward schools’ that are in serious need of teachers. I am sure any school administration will accept volunteers. You can do this in the evenings or weekends…offer free classes!  (I am planning to do so for Harambee Secondary School- a ward school in my village)
• Get into school board membership- you can help to ensure good governance, etc
• Attend parents’ meetings, local (village meetings), etc
• Run for local office- village chairman, councilor, etc
• Join PETS (Public Expenditure Tracking System) Committees in your ward, village, or street
• Do some advocacy activity on education – at whatever level

In mid January, on the 52^nd anniversary of Lumumba’s assassination,  I was inspired  to learn more about one of the greatest African heroes- Patrice Lumumba hence my interest to learn more about DRC was rejuvenated.  I knew that to grasp the urgency of shortening Lumumba’s life and to understand the current situation in DRC, I had to go back to history. My mind then recalled a book that I had read more than 5 years ago while doing my MA studies- King Leopold’s Ghost. I decided to re-read the book again. I have finished it. Here is my remixed review (I call this a remixed because I have not done it in a conventional book review format).

Hoschschild presents a thoroughly researched book. Going through the pages of the historical facts in the book, I couldn’t stop thinking how much archival work Hochschild must have done.  Although he laments his frustration on the fact that his book lacks Africans’ (i.e. Congolese who were the victim in the entire story) voices, he tried as much as possible to incorporate testimonies given by Africans.  His book is full of evidence from different sources ranging from accounts of missionaries to Leopold’s own commission that tried to cover up the whole demonic experience he put the Congolese through.

To try and explain the content of the book in this brief blog post is to do injustice to this marvelous work. However, we can draw a number of lessons from the book in relations to the contemporary world. I will speak of two lessons:

The first lesson: international relations perpetuates itself. There is a famous saying that ‘history repeats itself’. From the book, it is evident that the practice of international relations also keeps repeating itself.  The politics and rhetoric of King Leopold in the 19^th and early 20^th Century are very similar to politics and rhetoric of some great powers in  contemporary international affairs .  When Leopold was acquiring Congo as his colony, his rhetoric was that he wants to save the humanity, to civilize the Congolese, blah blah. In the contemporary international relations, we have heard and see acts by great powers with rhetorical justifications of wanting or even the need to ‘bring democracy’, ‘to protect human rights’, ‘to ensure rule of law’ and other blah blah to countries… only a few (either naïve or the system’s loyalists) would agree that is the genuine motive behind some of the brutal wars we have seen in the 21^st Century.  Just like we see how great powers support each other, it was the same during Leopold’s time. The USA and Britain recognized Leopold’s acquisition of Congo. Of course they would do so because they also had interests (especially trade) and were practicing similar policies of colonialism. They were all in the same business. The 1884/85 Berlin Conference, for example, brought all of them together.

Hochschild gives a thorough account of people and missionaries who lobbied their heart out against Leopold’s inhumane activities in Congo. These people, such as E.D. Morel, Sir. Casement, and Mr. & Mrs. Harris, were from the Western world, which had recognized Leopold as a legitimate master of Congo. This shows that not all citizens support their States’ actions. In fact, one of the lobbyists, Sir Casement who did a turning-point investigation, was a British diplomat.  Because countries of the Western world always want to be seen as messiahs to ‘civilize’ others, they finally ‘listened’ to them and start acting against King Leopold. However, we can see this support was superficial. These countries did not stop practicing colonialism themselves. In fact they were also using forced labour and harsh punishments in their own colonies to ensure productivity and maximum profits.  We see the same today. A significant number of Western citizens do not support their States’ policies. There are known critics such as Noam Chomsky who are critically opposing and writing against their governments’ policies.  In reaction to this, their governments either use spin to cover up their real motives or apportion the blame to others. The USA, for example, blames China of human rights abuses but the USA itself does the same things China does only that they do it under a blanket of spreading democracy or fostering the rule of law.

The support that the Congo lobbyists received from the USA and Britain was based on calculated interests that the powerful thought they may protect. Consider this statement from a British parliamentary committee in the 1830s, “better treatment of colonial subjects would promote the civil and commercial interests of Great Britain…savages are dangerous neighbours and unprofitable customers, and if they remain as degraded denizens of our colonies, they become a burden upon the State” (p. 212)…haven’t we heard similar sentences considering the so called ‘fragile states’?  Similar rhetoric are common in the statement of Western leaders when they are trying to justify ‘giving aid’ and/or ‘fighting terrorism’. Even in recent Mali intervention, we have had similar rhetoric in the UK parliament. On 14 January 2013, the UK Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs said the following in the Parliamentary Statement concerning Mali ‘The House will no doubt be concerned about the humanitarian situation in the region and what the UK is doing to alleviate that situation…The threat posed by the instability in Mali is of grave concern to the UK. We must not allow northern Mali to become a springboard for extremism and create instability in the wider West African region. The ferocity and fanaticism of the extremists in northern Mali must be not be allowed to sweep unchecked into the country’s capital. France, which has an historic relationship with Mali, is quite rightly in the lead. In the coming days we will be focused on the regional and international diplomacy we must achieve to check this emerging threat.’ (http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmhansrd/cm130114/debtext/130114-0002.htm#1301142000002).  Similar rhetoric can be extracted from Tony Blair’s statements prior to the infamous 2003 Iraq War. Recent statements by David Cameron  on Mali and Algeria are not different.

 I am not commending terrorist actions. In fact, my stand is that terrorists must be fought and be eliminated.  However, I am always skeptical of the rhetoric based on the ‘war on terror’,  ‘spreading democracy’, ‘foreign investments’ or ‘humanitarian purposes’ while the real motive is national interests. National interests under the blanket of ‘democracy’ or ‘humanitarian’ values often motivate foreign interventions in Africa.  This is what I often call ‘double standards’ in IR. If the Western powers are so pro humanitarian and democracy, why is Syria still in chaos? We have many such examples…Was Mali really more urgent than Syria?

Second lessons: In connection to the above, we, Africans, must learn and get real with our dignity and ourselves. The reasons Hochschild called his book ‘ Leopold’s Ghost’ is partly because he thinks Leopold’s ghost still haunts Congo. This is true. Leaders of Congo, in particular Joseph Mobutu, embraced the ghost and continued to carry out inhumane activities and pursue unfair policies to people. Because he promoted the policies of the great powers who had enjoyed Congo’s resources for centuries he was celebrated as an ‘ideal leader’ who is anti communism. Patrice Lumumba, who cared about Congolese and dignity had to be stopped. The cost of his courage was his life. The ghost couldn’t stand his ideals. Unfortunately the ghost is still alive. The ghost is now tormenting the whole continent. Some leaders and African children are embracing the ghost for personal gain at the cost of so many lives and African dignity.

Thus, we, Africans cannot only blame the ghost but we must also blame those Africans who embrace and sustain the works of the ghost in Africa. The ghost represents all unfair policies, deals, and investments towards Africa. The ghost is there to plunder for the interests of the great powers and a few individual Africans.  We need to rewrite our own history and tell our children about the ghost and its hosts. Our children must know the truth. This way we will save Africa.

Hochschild rightly showed how the history of Congo is one-sided. He gave examples of the biased exhibitions and museums in Europe that do not portray a true picture of what happened. This reminds me of a quote by Alexandre Dumas ‘True, I have raped history, but it has produced some beautiful offspring’. This continues to be the case. Patrice Lumumba lamented the same more than half a century ago and insisted that Africans will write the history of Africa. If we will not get serious and write this history, the ghost will keep tormenting us surviving under the name of aid, humanitarian, war on terror, education, and civilizations… our raped history will produce beautiful offspring for the ghost.

Thanks to Hochschild for writing such a mind-provoking book.  I am now motivated to work upon the dignity of Africa and expose the ghost hidden not only in foreign interventions but also in unfair resource contracts, puppet leaders, and….FINISH THE LIST! THEN JOIN ME!

The ongoing riots and chaos in Cairo against President Morsi’s unwise move to grab more presidential powers underscores the explanatory power of Acemoglu and Robinson’s argument in their well researched and compelling book. In general, the book main argument is that nations fail or succeed due to economic and political institutions that they have in place. They categorize these institutions into two types- inclusive institutions and extractive institutions. Extractive institutions are those institutions that don’t give equal opportunities to all citizens to participate and to engage in the countries’ socio-economic/political activities. Important to note is that extractive institutions may lead to economic growth but this kind of growth will only benefit the elite class and it will not last.

On the other side, inclusive institutions are those that give opportunities for all citizens to participate and engage in socio-economic/political affairs. These kinds of institutions enable sustainable growth that benefits all citizens.  The main reasons for that, Acemoglu and Robinson argue, is because inclusive institutions allow what Joseph Schumpeter called ‘creative destruction’. Creative destruction- i.e. replacing the old with new: new sectors attract resources away from old ones. Similarly, they argue that the fear of creative destruction is often at the root of the opposition to inclusive economic and political institutions (p.84). Impressively, the authors use appealing and thoroughly explained examples to illustrate these two types of institutions. They use historical trends to trace the formulations and persistence of these institutions.  To further justify their theories, the author took a whole chapter (chapter 2) to explain other mega theories that try to explain economic failure and success and show each of those theories weaknesses.

In connection to that, the authors expound on the arguments that extractive and inclusive institutions create a vicious and virtuous circles respectively. By these they mean that the type of institutions set will perpetuate similar institutions over time.  They type of institutions created lead to a path that makes it difficult to break or change hence leading to the similar institutions over and over.  For the extractive institutions, they use Robert Michel’s concept of the Iron Law of Oligarchy to explain vicious circle. With regards to this, the authors clearly expressed their doubts on the 2011 Egyptian Revolution- they argue that ‘ Thus the fact that the extractive regime of President Mubarak was overturned by popular protests in February 2011 does not guarantee that Egypt will move onto a path to more inclusive institutions. Instead extractive institutions may re-create themselves despite the vibrant and hopeful pro-democracy movement’ (p. 436).   Seeing how President Morsi shamelessly grab more power for his own, I cannot agree more with Acemoglu and Robinson’s arguments.

One of the arguments from the authors that I am not completely buying is that their theory is not based on historical determinism. This, they argue, is because there are may be critical junctures through which change occurs. In fact they have a chapter titled ‘Breaking the Mold’ whereby they give examples of countries and societies that broke from extractive institutions to inclusive institutions. Although I agree with the concept of critical juncture and that change occurs, I still think their theory has to do with historical determinism.

In spite the fact that the authors do not mention historical institutionalism, which is a sub- theory within one of the Political Science theories known new institutionalism theory- a Political Science theory that explain institutional persistence and change using concepts such as path dependency, critical moments, critical junctures, layering, drifting, and displacement, Acemoglu and Robinson arguments are more or less those of historical institutionalism. History determines whether nations fail or succeed. This is because institutions follow the path created at a certain historical point. I do not even understand how  could the authors maintain that their theory is not based on historical determinism while they use historical examples to explain the success stories of the Western world and failures of Latin America and Africa.  In connection to this, when the authors talked about critical junctures that only resulted to the re-creation of similar institutions (i.e. vicious circle), I think it would have been best if they would classify those moments as critical moments rather than critical junctures. This is because the events were not critical junctures as institutions keep the same path that recreates similar trends.  In addition, it would be more helpful if the authors could define institutions. There is no doubt that most scholars, especially in Economics or Political Science, would understand what kind of ‘institutions’ Acemoglu and Robinson are talking about, but other readers might not understand. In fact, the theory of new institutionalism (which I think it informs Acemoglu and Robinson’s arguments) takes a great deal in defining institutions.

Nevertheless, Acemolgu and Robinson work is a classic piece that can be read and understood by scholars, policymakers, and any person who is interested in development and economic prosperity.  The book is especially useful for policy makers as they can use its main concepts for policy analysis. For example, Tanzanian policymakers can analyze our country’s policies to see whether they are extractive or inclusive. They can use the arguments in the book to explore if our institutions allow for creative destruction and how we can improve our situation by making policies that will embrace inclusiveness and so prosperity to all.

 All in all, this is a must read book for everyone in the developing country who wants to change the situation in his/her country for sustainable growth. It is also enjoyable with great historical examples. Even if someone does not agree with the authors’ institutionalism arguments, the book is almost a history book with good accounts of major historical events.

As Americans are voting today, one of the things that is worthy asking is if the US as a global hegemony (if still is) is able to maintain the status quo and for how long.  What is intriguing, for me, is the reasoning behind this debate- whether the hegemony is on the decline or not. David Sanger, in his detailed yet easy to grasp book, Confront and Conceal, successfully presents key areas that I think they have led to emergence of such debates and whether the US can keep sustaining its global power.  These areas include the baffling Afghanistan War, the ambivalent relations with Pakistan, Iran Nuclear issues, Drones and Cyber attacks, the Arab Spring, and finally China and North Korea.  Although Sanger focuses on the period of Obama’s administration, he does it within the context of US’ foreign policy in the last 10 or so years.

With the exception of the chapter on cyber attacks on Iranian Nuclear programme, which I must admit is an intensive chapter with sensitive intelligence information, the book is mostly an expanded analysis of what had been reported in international news. Sanger himself is honest about this, as in the ‘notes about sources’ he acknowledges that this is a reporting book.  Nevertheless, this should not demean the book. Sanger tried to put into context the reasoning behind key foreign policy decisions that Obama and his different teams made concerning Afghanistan, Iran, Arab Spring, and US’ relations with China.  This he did through gathering information from different reliable sources that are primary. He, for example, interviewed a number of policy makers in the inner circle of foreign policy making in the White House and State Department. In addition, Sanger did a fieldwork such as going to Egypt after the revolution and interviewed activists. As a person who believes in academic research, I am impressed with the Sanger’s incorporation of academic analysis of some of the issues pertaining US’ foreign policy.

 Throughout the book Sanger consistently maintains the main theme of the book – which I think is to explain Obama’s doctrine- throughout all chapters. The book tries to elaborate Obama’s doctrine, which is for the US to have ‘a lighter footprint around the world and a reliance on coalitions to deal with global problems that do not directly threaten American security’. The goal is to enhance and preserve American power. This is further simplified by the title of the book ‘Confront and Conceal’.  In the book it is clear that Obama is a pragmatic realist leader. He critically analyses situations with adequate information, evidence, and advice before he makes decisions. Sanger cleverly illustrates this by highlighting the key questions behind Obama’s decisions- can we afford this? What is the price tag?  This may partly explain what I term ‘double-sided’ response to the Arab Spring, in particular when we compare Libya and Syria. At least the book gave me some relief when it exposes the awareness in the side foreign policy decision makers of the US’ double standards when dealt with the Arab Springs.

Due to his pragmatism and realistic view of the status of the US power as probably best fit into ‘first among equals’ rather than sole superpower, Obama is trying to shift emphasis from long-term wars and tensions in Middle East to focus more on ‘pivot’ Asia.  The aim of Obama, opposed to what many may think, is to enhance US’ power in a changing world.

Obama is rational about the status of American power in a changing world especially considering the nascent Chinese economic prowess.  In respect to that Obama is trying to refocus on Asia partly as an effort to rebalance and constrain Chinese influence.  The (unexpected) rise of Chinese power is probably a single main factor that has facilitated the discourse and the debates on the US hegemonic status quo.  Academicians, politicians, and journalists have debated on the rise of China and its impact in the US superpower ability with varying conclusions. Whether the US is still stronger than China or not, it cannot afford to keep fighting and intervening in every situation as an all-powerful global police. It has to calculate. Sanger, despite his analysis, he is still optimistic about American power. In his acknowledgement, which is at the end of the book, he says the following about his research assistants ‘ anyone worried that America is in decline would be disabused of the notion after a day of working this assemblage of young intellect and energy’. This is good but the truth remains that the hegemonic status can no more be taken for granted.

 As Americans are voting today, it’s my hope that they will make a right decision to choose a leader who is realistic about America’s power. If America does not play its cards right it might start witnessing an uncontrollable diminishing of its power and remain only with the history…once a superpower.